“The Most Determined Spirit of Hostility”: The Brown Family in the War of 1812
“I am happy to be able to inform you that almost the whole body of militia is in arms, and seem actuated by the most determined spirit of hostility to the enemy.”
Introduction
By 1785, Loyalist refugees John Brown and Magdalena Zeh had escaped the trauma of the American Revolution with their four daughters, Eve, Sophia, Catharine, and Magdalena. Though life on the Niagara frontier was hard, it also offered some respite from tumultuous times in New York’s Schoharie Valley and a new beginning.
The family welcomed their first son, Adam, born at Niagara in 1785. Later, after the family moved inland to settle The Brown Homestead, sons John, David, Christian and Abraham followed. John Brown began to build his family’s stately Georgian home here in 1796, and both he and Magdalena passed away in 1804. Adam and Abraham jointly inherited the homestead while John Jr., David and Christian received other lands from John’s 1206 acre estate.
The pause in hostilities would not last. Soon, the inhabitants of Niagara, including the Brown children, would be embroiled in yet another conflict, the War of 1812.
Militia Service
The causes of the war are numerous and complicated, but British disrespect for American sovereignty and American expansionism and opportunism, especially with the British preoccupied fighting the Napoleonic Wars resulted in the United States declaring war on 18 June 1812.
The author dressed as a militiaman while working at Fort George National Historic Site. Upper Canadian militiamen often donned white fabric around their arm or hat to differentiate themselves from American militiamen.
All able-bodied men in Upper Canada aged 16 to 60 years old did compulsory service in the militia. In the Niagara District, men were formed into one of the five Regiments of Lincoln Militia; the Brown family primarily served in the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia, which drew its men from the Townships of Stamford, Thorold, and Pelham. Militiamen were expected to support the few British regulars posted in Upper Canada. Exemptions from service were made for pacifistic Quakers, Mennonites, and Tunkers so long as a fee was paid: 5 pounds in wartime which, roughly, equated to the monthly wage for an Upper Canadian labourer!(1)
Naturally, many pacifists often served in non-traditional military roles, such as “teaming,” the act of carrying supplies for the military. Most militiamen joined the “sedentary” or “embodied” militia, which typically served no longer than a month at one time. Zealous inhabitants who wanted more extensive service could voluntarily join one of the “Flank Companies” or the Militia Artillery and, in 1813, the Incorporated Militia. Men who served in the Flank Companies saw active service and were rewarded after the war with a land grant. These militiamen, according to Mohawk leader and Captain Teyoninhokarawen, or John Norton, “were retained to do duty with the [regular] troops, [while] the main body [of militia] was permitted to return home [so] that the agriculture might not be too much neglected.”(2) Militiamen sometimes bore the brunt of the fighting depending on the engagement, but more often acted as support for British regulars.
Warfare is always gruesome, but was especially so in the early-nineteenth century. Military historian Donald Graves describes the age of horse and musket as “truly terrifying”:
“Blinded by powder smoke, packed in tightly crowded ranks, watching round shot bouncing towards him but unable to move, suffering from raging thirst brought on by tension and the necessity of biting into cartridges containing bitter black powder, seeing men killed and maimed around him, the infantryman stood, fought, and died. Not the worst of the business were the unnerving sounds peculiar to battle: the deadly ‘hissing,’ ‘whizzing,’ ‘sighing,’ or ‘whistling’ of passing round shot; the ‘rattle’ of canister bullets on rows of bayonets; the ominous ‘thud’ of musket balls impacting on human flesh, followed by the screams, moans, and pleas of the wounded and dying.”(3)
One militiaman particularly familiar with the din of battle was Christian Brown, who served extensively in the year 1812.
The Brown Sons
Christian served in the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Artillery, which was active from July 1812 to March 1813 and manned artillery pieces from Fort Erie, to Chippawa, and on to Queenston.(4) This company was especially instrumental in halting the often-forgotten second American invasion of Niagara at Frenchman’s Creek on 28 November 1812.(5) The leader of the company, Captain James Kerby, was noted in officers’ dispatches for his role in the battle, though some of praise that is often lauded over him rightfully belongs to the men like Christian Brown who served under him.
The village of Chippawa as it appeared when military surgeon Edward Walsh painted this watercolour in 1804. The Brown family, and the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia more generally, were often posted in this village to watch for American troop movements on the southern end of the Niagara River.
While the American invasions of Niagara in 1812 proved fruitless, their invasion in 1813 was much more successful. The Americans defeated the British at the Battle of Fort George on 27 May 1813; the Brown family now lived in American-occupied Niagara. Adam and John both may have been at the Battle of Fort George, as their names appear on a list of British prisoners of war taken at the battle and afterwards paroled by General Dearborn.(6) However, given the lack of contextual details in the record, it is difficult to say conclusively.
Fort George from the American side of the Niagara River, as drawn by Walsh in 1804. The British loss of Fort George to the Americans on 27 May 1813 had disastrous consequences for the inhabitants of Niagara.
We know for certain, however, that Adam was present at the homestead the day after the Battle of Fort George because he filed a loss in 1815 which stated so. Loss claims were early-nineteenth century insurance claims: the claimant would appear before a local magistrate, state their losses, and provide contextual information of the loss. If this formula was followed, it often resulted in a successful claim, although claims were denied arbitrarily based on familial honour, conduct during the war, or disreputable witnesses. In Adam and Abraham’s statement, they claimed to have lost “A Saddle and Bridle lent for a Wounded Officer at the Retreat of the [British] Army from the Beaver Damm, … [and] 5 Bushels of Oats,” on 28 May 1813.(7) Abraham was present when the losses occurred and verified his older brother’s statement. The brothers also claimed compensation for an “Amount of Clothing and Fusee [sic - ‘Fusil’]” taken by the Americans on 12 October 1813.
In this loss claim sworn before George Keefer at Thorold on 9 January 1824, Adam Brown claimed lost property amounting to 21 pounds, 2 shillings, and 6 pence. He was compensated 13 pounds total for his losses.
John was also present when his father-in-law, Henry Damude, lost a significant amount of property to the British in July 1813, specifically a pair of horses, a wagon, and harness pressed into the British service, all of which were never returned.(8) John swore to the truth of his father-in-law’s statement at Thorold on 8 July 1824.(9)
Loss claims provide fascinating insight into the lives of Upper Canadians during the War of 1812. We can infer, for example, that John was especially religious compared to his brothers, as he married into a prominent Tunker family, the Damudes. However, he may not yet have been a full-fledged Tunker in 1824 as he swore to the truth of his affidavit, whereas Tunkers typically affirmed their statements because of their aversion to swearing oaths. (Henry, for example, affirmed his statement; and, in 1816, John swore the Oath of Allegiance before J. Muirhead).(10) John’s absence from militia records in 1812 and 1813 may be attributed to his faith, though it is possible that he served in a capacity not noted in official records, such as teaming.
Youngest brother Abraham also appears in few militia records from 1812 to 1813. He served in the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia from 29 April to 14 May 1813, when he was a mere 17 years old.(11) Abraham was likely given some rudimentary military instruction in marching, loading and firing a musket but was soon after dismissed due to his young age. It is also possible that Abraham was relieved so he could take care of the homestead, as the other brothers were either preoccupied with militia service or with their own farms and families.
All four brothers saw extensive service in 1814 (note: David Brown had died of disease early in the War and did not serve). Christian served in Captain John DeCou’s Company of the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia at Chippawa from 4 July to 27 July 1814 alongside his brother John, who served from 10 to 27 July 1814.(12) Given that DeCou’s company suffered no casualties at the Battle of Chippawa, it is likely that Christian and the rest of the company acted as a reserve force. Although Adam and Abraham were not present at the battle, they served at Chippawa and Street’s Mill from 6 to 27 July 1814.(13)
A Muster Roll of Captain John DeCou's Company of the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia that served at the Battle of Lundy's Lane. The first column lists the day in which service began, the second the day service ended, and the third is the amount of total days served. The notation (") in the second column is an abbreviation for "ditto," meaning same as above. Although it cannot be seen by this picture, both Christian and John Brown served until 27 July 1814.
All four brothers were present at the Battle of Lundy’s Lane on 25 July 1814, one of the bloodiest battles of the war. The extent of their respective service at Lundy’s Lane is difficult to discern, as many military histories of the war neglect the role of the militia, but they were certainly present and, if not directly involved in the fighting, acted in a support role by carrying supplies and dispatches, acting as medics or guards. The likelihood of the latter is reinforced by DeCou’s memoirs of the battle, wherein he stated: “‘I was present at the Battle of Lundy’s Lane but having charge of the commissariat I was not in the fight. I shall never forget the cheering when our reinforcements arrived, and how some of the [American] prisoners taken by us said it went down them like rain.’”(14)
A highly stylistic depiction of American Colonel James Miller charging the British artillery pieces at the Battle of Lundy's Lane by Felix Octavius Carr Darley. The artist erroneously attributed Miller's famous charge to have taken place at the Battle of Chippawa.
The Brown Daughters and Sons-in-Law
The sons-in-law of John and Magdalena Brown also saw frequent service during the War of 1812, none more so than John Bowman, the husband of Eve Brown. Christian appears to have been close with his brother-in-law, as he married his sister, Magdalene Bowman, and bought a farm adjacent to that of John and Eve. The men are also often found on militia records together. Bowman was an active member of Captain Robert Hamilton’s Company of the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia Flank Company, serving at least from 25 September to 24 October 1812.(15) He was present at the famous Battle of Queenston Heights on 13 October 1812 and likely at Frenchman’s Creek on 28 November 1812. The year 1814 was especially harrowing for Bowman as he served at both Chippawa and Lundy’s Lane. At Chippawa, he served alongside his brother-in-law Christian from 26 June to 6 July 1814 under Captain George Turney.(16) The 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia played an instrumental role in this engagement and, consequently, suffered severely. The battle, according to Graves, “represented the highest casualty rate suffered by a Canadian sedentary militia unit in a single engagement during the war.”(17) Turney and Sergeant John Hutt were killed and David Thompson wounded, which attests to the fact that they were in the thick of the fighting.
Meanwhile, Bowman’s wife Eve faced a different peril at home on their farm. “At the time of the Battle at Chippawa,” John noted in a loss claim petition, while he was “absent from Home serving in the Militia,” his mare was killed by British-allied Indigenous warriors. The warriors, according to John, “attempted to catch the Mare … they, finding their efforts fruitless, at length wantonly shot her in the neck, of which wound she soon after died. At the same time, the same party of Indians plundered the House of your Petitioner of sundry Articles of Bedding … and a Bed.”(18)
Although this petition is the best direct evidence of the suffering endured by Eve, other inferences can be made based on the experiences of other working-class women during the War of 1812. Many working-class women in rural Upper Canada relied heavily on sons and daughters to help around the home, but Eve did not have this luxury as a childless woman. While her husband John was away at war, the farm was left to Eve alone, with no one to help but neighbours and, hopefully, close family.
Part of a loss claim made by Sophia (Brown) Hainer and verified by her son-in-law John McCombs before William Hamilton Merritt at St. Catharines on 18 June 1823. Sophia claimed lost property amounting to 44 pounds, for which she was awarded 16 pounds and 14 shillings.
Eve’s sister Sophia also suffered greatly before and during the War of 1812. Sophia was first married to Jacob Lutz, with whom she had one child, Magdalene, born at The Brown Homestead in 1795. After Jacob’s death, Sophia married Zachariah Hainer, a veteran of Butler’s Rangers. Often overlooked in histories of the War of 1812 are the disastrous consequences of sickness and disease on soldiers and warriors. William Hamilton Merritt reflected on the rampant sickness amongst the various regiments of Lincoln Militia: “The greatest misfortune we experienced [in 1812] was in deaths. A very great number of the militia owing to the hard service, change of diet, etc. were carried off very suddenly.”(19) Sophia’s second husband Zachariah was one of these casualties. As of 24 October 1812, Zachariah was listed as unfit for duty and, on 2 February 1813, died of disease.(20) In December 1813, shortly before the Americans abandoned Fort George, Sophia lost “60 Bushels of Oats, 1 Ton of Hay, 1 Pair of [Horse] Lines, 1 Fusee, 1 Blanket, and 1800 Nails.”(21)
Twice widowed with five children, Sophia likely depended heavily on her son-in-law John McCombs. He was already a seasoned veteran of Queenston Heights when he married Magdalene Lutz in March 1813.(22) Months later, he was also present at the Battle of Fort George.(23) Shortly thereafter, he was one of the few militiamen that partook in the Battle of Buffalo and the subsequent destruction of that town and Black Rock from 21 to 31 December 1813. McCombs certainly saw action at the Battle of Buffalo on 30 December 1813 as one of his fellow privates, Bernard Griffiths, was killed on that day.(24) McCombs distinguished himself during the war by serving his government loyally, perhaps to distance himself from the actions of his father, Timothy McCombs. Timothy was accused of treason at Ancaster in absentia on 15 June 1814, charged with spying for the Americans.(25) Interestingly, though, John and Magdalene named his second child Timothy.
Timothy was not the only relation of the Brown family whose loyalty might be called into question during the War of 1812. Catharine’s husband Aaron Dennis, a 37-year-old Late Loyalist at the onset of the war, is absent from militia records from 1812 to 1815. It is possible that Aaron does not appear in these records because he was disabled or served the British in a non-military capacity. It is curious, though, that the Dennis family, including Catharine, moved to Ohio by 1819 during a time when residual hard feelings over the brutal conflict limited movement across the border. Aaron may have been among the Upper Canadians who harboured American sympathies, which led him to shirk militia duty and return to the United States. Alternatively, the Dennis family, which did not prosper in Niagara, may simply have left for Ohio to seek better opportunities, the same motivation that led them to Upper Canada in the first place.
Conclusion
The surviving Brown brothers loyally served their government during the War of 1812 and, although we might not know all the details of their service, all were granted land afterward as sons of a United Empire Loyalist. To be granted land as the child of a United Empire Loyalist, one needed a parent to appear on the Loyalist List and testament to their own loyalty during the War of 1812. Adam, John, and Christian Brown all appeared before Robert Kerr and Ralfe Clench at the Niagara Court House on 9 July 1816, and it was affirmed that the three brothers “did [their] duty in defence of the Province during the [War of 1812].”(26) Similarly, Abraham’s loyalty was confirmed at the Niagara Court House on 14 October 1817 after he came of age and turned 21.(27)
For his service as a gunner in Captain James Kerby’s Company of the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Artillery, Christian received an additional 100 acres of land in Caledon Township.(28) John Bowman and John McCombs were also both granted 100 acres of land for their service in the Flank Companies in the year 1812. Bowman was granted 100 acres of land in Nelson Township, and McCombs in Chinguacousy Township.(29)
The land book showing that Christian Brown of Pelham was granted 100 acres of land for serving "As a Private in Captain James Kerby's Company of Artillery of the 2d. Regt. of Lincoln Militia."
Women were also entitled to land as the children of a United Empire Loyalist, although most of John and Magdalena’s daughters claimed their land before the War of 1812, and therefore did not have to prove their loyalty. In 1803, Catharine referred to herself as a “U.E. Loyalist,” noted that she “came in [to Upper Canada] with her Father & Family during the American War, being then an infant,” and was thus entitled to land.(30) Magdalena also made a petition for land in 1804.(31) Land petitions for Eve or Sophia have not yet to been found.
Their stories remind us that our idyllic Niagara region was once a battlefield, mired in the sweat and blood of our forebears. These tales of serving and suffering, loyalty and treason, creation and destruction appear over and over among the early Niagara families. Let us remember, too, that many of them wanted peace above all. We can honour their memory by working towards a future where war, if even a consideration, is always the last resort.
(1) William Gray, Soldiers of the King: The Upper Canadian Militia, 1812-1815 (Ontario: Boston Mills Press, 1995), 26.
(2) John Norton, A Mohawk Memoir from the War of 1812, Introduced, Annotated, and Edited by Carl Benn (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2019), 94.
(3) Donald E. Graves, Red Coats & Grey Jackets: The Battle of Chippawa, 5 July 1814 (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1994), 53.
(4) Library and Archives Canada, “Nominal Return of the Officers, Non-Commissioned Officers, & Privates of Captain James Kerby’s Company Artillery of the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 26, T-10387-515; Gray, Soldiers of the King, 157, 184.
(5) Ernest Cruikshank, The Origin and Official History of the 13th Battalion of Infantry and a Description of the Work of the Early Militia of the Niagara Peninsula in the War of 1812 and the Rebellion of 1837 (Hamilton: E.L. Ruddy, 1899), 14.
(6) National Archives of the United Kingdom, “List of British Prisoners of War Captured by United States during War of 1812.”
(7) Library and Archives Canada, “Loss Claim for Adam Brown of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara,” RG 19 E 5 (a), Vol. 3754, File 1, T-1136-250.
(8) Library and Archives Canada, “Loss Claim for Henry Damude of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara,” RG 19 E 5 (a), Vol. 3757, File 2, T-1138-898.
(9) Ibid., T-1138-902.
(10) Dissenting Protestants such as Mennonites refused to swear oaths because of Matthew 5:34-37, where Christ told his apostles to “Swear not at all.” The apostle James stated the same in James 5:12.
(11) Library and Archives Canada, “Muster Roll & Pay List of a detachment of the 2nd Regiment of Lincoln Militia under Command of Capt. George Turney from the 27th April to 24 May 1813, Inclusive,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 22, T-10386-86.
(12) Library and Archives Canada, “The Second Lincoln Militia, Muster Roll of Capt. John Decow’s Company Stationed at Chippawa from June to the 24th of July 1814, Both Days inclusive,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 22, T-10385-1114.
(13) Library and Archives Canada, “Muster Roll of Captain Keefer’s Company of the 2nd Lincoln Militia on Duty at Chippawa and Street’s Mills from the 26th June to the 27 July 1814, both days Inclusive,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 22, T-10385-1036.
(14) Ernest Green, “John De Cou, pioneer,” Ontario History Vol. 22 (1925): 105.
(15) Library and Archives Canada, “The Second Regiment Lincoln Militia, Captain Robert Hamilton’s Company,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 25, T-10386-1212; Library and Archives Canada, “Second Regiment Lincoln Militia - Annual Return of the Flank Companies of the Second Regiment Lincoln Militia, on Service in the year 1812,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 1, T-10379-231.
(16) Library and Archives Canada, “2d Regt. Lincoln Militia - Captain George Turney’s Company from the 27th of June to the 24th of July 1814, inclusive,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 22, T-10386-59. Although both Christian Brown and John Bowman were at Chippawa, they served in different companies.
(17) Graves, Red Coats & Grey Jackets, 133.
(18) Library and Archives Canada, “Loss Claim for John Bowman of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara,” RG 19, E 5 (a), Vol. 3738, File 2, T-1126-213-215.
(19) William Hamilton Merritt, Journal of Events Principally on the Detroit and Niagara Frontiers during the War of 1812 (St. Catharines, Canada West: Historical Society, 1863), 22.
(20) David Hemmings, “War of 1812 Lincoln Militia Casualties,” transcription and analysis of Muster Rolls held at the Niagara Historical Society and Museum; Alan Holden, “War of 1812 Personnel List,” held at the Niagara Historical Society and Museum.
(21) Library and Archives Canada, “Loss Claim for Sophia Hainer of the Township of Grantham in the District of Niagara,” RG 19 E 5 (a), Vol. 3744, File 1, T-1128-1210.
(22) Library and Archives Canada, “First Regiment of Lincoln Militia, Nominal Return of the Flank Companies of the 1st Regiment Lincoln Militia, on service in the year 1812,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 1, T-10379-228; Robert Malcomson, A Very Brilliant Affair: The Battle of Queenston Heights, 1812 (Toronto: Robin Brass, 2003), 163.
(23) Library and Archives Canada, “The First Regiment Lincoln Militia, Muster Roll and Pay List of Captain John Jones’s Company from 28th April to 27th May 1813, Inclusive,” RG 9, IB7, Vol. 21, T-10385-687.
(24) Library and Archives Canada, “Muster Roll and Pay List of a Detachment of the 1 Regiment Lincoln Militia under the Command of Capt. Geo. A. Ball from 24 to 31 Dec. 1813,” RG9 9, IB7, Vol. 21, T-10385-738.
(25) Holden, “War of 1812 Personnel List.”
(26) Library and Archives Canada, “Land Petition of Adam Brown of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara, 1816,” RG 1, L 3, Vol. 42, C-1625-299-300; Library and Archives Canada, “Land Petition of John Brown Jr. of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara, 1816,” RG 1, L 3, Vol. 43, C-1625-863; Library and Archives Canada, “Land Petition of Christian Brown of the Township of Pelham in the District of Niagara, 1816,” RG 1, L 3, Vol. 39, C-1624-112-113.
(27) Library and Archives Canada, “Land Petition of Abraham Brown of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara,” RG 1, L 3, Vol. 51, C-1628-584.
(28) Archives of Ontario, Land Book Register of Grants to Militia Veterans of the War of 1812, Microfilm 693, Reel 140, Vol. 132.
(29) Ibid.
(30) Library and Archives Canada, “Land Petition of Catharine Dennis of the Township of Thorold in the District of Niagara, 1803,” RG 1, L 3, Vol. 152, C-1743-1013.
(31) Library and Archives Canada, “Land Petition of Magdalene Miller of the Township of Clinton in the District of Niagara, 1804,” RG 1, L 3, Vol. 332, C-2194-1032.
Author Bio
Jake Breadman [M.A. History, Brock University; M.A. Public History, Western University] is a part-time researcher at The Brown Homestead. Jake grew up around the corner from the Homestead, and has worked at various historical sites in Niagara since 2013, specifically Fort George, Brock’s Monument, and Old Fort Erie. This September, he will begin a PhD in History at Queen’s University, where he will be researching and writing an environmental history of the War of 1812 in Niagara.