Enough to Sink the Barrel
A Brief Overview of Early Whisky Production in Niagara
Introduction
Photo from the Night at the Tavern whisky tasking & history experience at The Brown Homestead.
Did you know? Niagara was one of Canada’s main whisky producing regions at the turn of the 19th century.
Today, Niagara’s tender fruit industry is a defining element of the region. Famous for its vineyards and award-winning wineries, its agricultural and tourist economies have in many ways become driven by the production and sale of alcohol. Of course, these products are not new to the area. The peninsula’s history of manufacturing and selling spirits, cider, and other alcoholic beverages extends into the 18th century.
The following article is going to focus on one product in particular: whisky. In 1804, approximately one third of the whisky produced in the entire province of Upper Canada (present-day Ontario) was made right here in Niagara. The Brown Homestead would have no doubt been serving up the good stuff, located on the Dundas-Niagara stagecoach line and acting as a tavern and inn from 1809 until the late 1830s. Eventually other parts of the province increased production, but for this early period at least, the role of the Niagara settlers in early whisky-making is noteworthy.
Read on to learn more about the different ingredients used to make whisky, the manufacturing process, quantities produced, transportation of the product, and the markets it reached, starring some recognizable local names.
A Strategic Location
Why Niagara? What was it about this peninsula that allowed for such production?
Niagara was one of the oldest settlements in the province of Upper Canada. The people who worked and lived here were far away from the central hub of enterprise in Montreal, but they still had some geographical advantages.
Niagara bordered the United States following the occupation of Fort Niagara as an American base in 1796.
The peninsula was part of the Laurentian trade route which passed from the Atlantic Ocean down the St. Lawrence River through Montreal and Kingston and across the Great Lakes past Oswego, Niagara and Fort Erie, into Detroit and beyond.
Niagara had served in this trade capacity for a long time before the settlement of the United Empire Loyalists. It was an important post for merchants throughout the 18th century and a key location for Indigenous peoples like the Mississaugas, as well as the Seneca and Tuscarora, who had occupied this territory for centuries. Because these foundations already existed, the whisky-making farmers and entrepreneurs of the late 18th and early 19th centuries had access to established merchants conducting trade throughout the Great Lakes. These men traded goods with the new Niagara settlers and would sell their manufactured goods such as flour, lumber, potash and whisky to buyers elsewhere in the province. The military garrisons along the Niagara River were steady customers, but demand existed beyond the local sphere and the peninsula’s goods reached posts in Kingston and Gananoque, all the way up to Montreal and Quebec City.
Comparing Grains
Whisky is typically made from fermented grains such as rye, corn, barley and wheat. Today, most Canadian whisky is made using rye and/or corn. In the early 1800s, people in Niagara used rye and corn to make whisky, but they also relied more heavily on wheat because it was the dominant crop.
Although Niagara is known today for its orchards, vineyards, and plant nurseries, these farms were originally dominated by staple grains. During the early days of Loyalist settlement, wheat, corn, rye, oats, barley, and a variety of other field and grain crops were commonplace. Wheat was further manufactured into valuable by-products like flour, bran, and whisky. These items were for home use, and surpluses were traded with neighbours or local merchants for other essential goods.
In the first few decades of Loyalist settlement, according to local historian Dr. Richard Merritt, local whisky was “probably often made from mouldy rye, frosty potatoes, pumpkins, and so on.” [1] As the 1800s progressed, distillers were able to refine the product depending on what they had available. Records indicate that around the turn of the 19th century, wheat was the primary product in Niagara. Typically, people would sell or trade their best flour, and the “middlings,” aka the by-products of the grinding process, were used for home consumption, fed to the animals, or used in the distillation process.
Of course, production of different grains evolved over time, impacted by the local climate and weather patterns, crop failure and disease, market demands, transportation quality, access to labour, etc. By midcentury, censuses show that Lincoln and Welland counties were producing barley and wheat in greater quantities than the other Upper Canadian districts, but lower quantities of rye. [2] In fact, the agricultural census tells us that in 1851-52, Niagara produced the most barley out of any other county in the province. Barley was an important crop, and its value extended beyond local markets. Throughout the 1860s as the American Civil War raged, American brewers stated “if the barley now grown in Canada was reduced one-half, it would cripple the manufacture of malt liquors to such an extent as to involve a loss to the United States treasury, annually, of about $2,000,000.” [3]
Niagara’s Whisky Production
Most of the wheat grown in Upper Canada was consumed within the province itself, and the rest was used for seed requirements, export, distillation, or was purchased by the British army. In the year 1803, an estimated 15% of wheat grown in Upper Canada was distilled into whisky, according to Canadian economic historian Douglas McCalla. [4] This was the equivalent of approximately 80,000 bushels of wheat.
Wheat Distribution in Upper Canada, 1803 (McCalla)
Percentages from Douglas McCalla, “The “Loyalist” Economy of Upper Canada, 1784-1806,” Social History / Histoire Sociale 16 no. 32, 1983, 296.
We’ve established that wheat was the province’s dominant crop around the turn of the 19th century, and that a substantial percentage of this crop was used to make whisky, but let’s get even more specific. What did this industry look like in Niagara?
An account of all the stills in the province conducted on April 5th, 1804 estimated that a total of 13,258 gallons of whisky had been produced in Upper Canada at that point of inspection, with 4,203 gallons produced in Niagara alone. [5] This means that approximately one third of the whisky produced in the entire province of Upper Canada at that time was made in Niagara. The peninsula was home to 54 stills, which was more than any other district. Niagara was the most populated district in the province at that time, with an approximate population of 11,000 people. [6]
Being far away from the centre of commercial activity in Montreal, the people of Niagara did what they could to manufacture products domestically. Whisky was one such desirable commodity that held its value. Robert Hamilton, Niagara’s most prominent merchant at this time, wrote in 1798 that he could not ship extra cases to Detroit because he had hardly enough for his own stores in Niagara. [7] That same year, British purchasing agent John McGill stated that for Niagara whisky manufacturers, it was “an article for which I am sorry to find he can at all times meet with a sure and ready market.” [8]
The Upper Canadian government profited from the duties applied to imported products like whisky, so producing it locally made the product that much cheaper — and merchants capitalized on this. When alcohol and other taxable goods were brought over the border from the United States at the Niagara, Queenston, Fort Erie and Chippewa ports, whisky was not always included in the lineup. Revenue reports from 1803 list brandy, port, sherry, rum, spirits, gin, wine, molasses, sugar, coffee, tobacco, salt and snuff… but the “whiskey” column is empty. [9]
These reports come from the letterbooks of Kingston merchant Richard Cartwright, who was involved in receiving and forwarding along with partner Robert Hamilton who was based in Queenston. Hamilton and Cartwright in partnership with Todd & McGill in Montreal secured the trade post at Kingston and formed agreements with merchants in Detroit so that they could have greater control over shipping through Lake Ontario and Lake Erie.
Cider and Brandy
Niagara was also a leading manufacturer of cider. The same 1851-52 agricultural census mentioned earlier lists Lincoln and Welland — the two counties that make up the entire Niagara peninsula — as the province’s leading cider producers with a total of 137,713 gallons. While Niagara has historically been home to a variety of tender fruits, the hardier apple was the primary fruit grown here throughout the 1800s. Women used them in a variety of meals for the family, but they were also turned into cider and traded or sold as a higher value commodity.
In the early 1800s, the markets for Niagara’s cider were limited by the unstable shipping process. John Askin, Detroit’s most prominent merchant at the time, mentioned barrels of cider spoiling a number of times in his correspondence with trade partners in Niagara, saying in 1804 that: “it is not at all unusual for Cyder [sic] to come down [from Niagara] in bad order. The working of the vessels increases the fermentation of the Cyder & very often not only lessens that Quantity but injures the Quality.” [10]
Robert Hamilton was involved in the manufacturing and sale of Niagara’s cider, but this was not the only product with which he dabbled. He had also planted a small peach orchard on his property in Queenston, and distilled peach brandy from the fruit. In a letter to John Askin in 1804 he wrote: “We also made forty Barrels of Cyder; & what I believe you have not yet thought of, 250 Gallons peach Brandy from my own Orchard.” [11]
If you’re enjoying this article so far, check out Season 2, Episode 1 of The Open Door Podcast: Raising a Glass to Colonial Taverns. In this episode, we raise a glass and swap stories about the complex role of taverns in Colonial society with medical historian, Dan Malleck, director of Brock University’s Centre for Canadian Studies.
Production and Transportation of Goods
Another interesting facet of this discussion is the whisky manufacturing and sale process. This system evolved along with the gradual economic changes in and around the peninsula at the turn of the 19th century, and supply and demand patterns emerged between the links in the Laurentian chain. No matter the size of the merchant firm, they were all typically subject to a long-credit system wherein farmers were indebted to merchants who owed their creditors in Montreal who subsequently owed import/export firms in London.
These relationships existed in all different forms, but generally speaking, Montreal merchants would enlist their indebted consignees to purchase whisky around the Great Lakes. Similarly, British army administrators would conduct trade for military purposes through these middlemen. Merchants like Niagara’s Robert Hamilton had key contacts in townships throughout the peninsula, including millers, distillers, and prominent business-owners. They would then contact such individuals and form agreements regarding the quantity and price of whisky to be sold. The distiller held the whisky in his still and would then fulfil the order, bringing the full barrels to the point of shipment where the whisky would then be shipped in bulk.
How to mash rye in the summer season, c. 1808
If you’re like us, you probably have many more questions. What was a standard sized barrel? How full did they have to be? Where were these points of shipment? We have limited information when it comes to these finer details, but can still share a few local anecdotes. First we’ll share a peek into the whisky making process. The ledger of Beamsville’s founder Jacob Beam includes detailed instructions for how to mash rye in the summer, around the year 1808. [12] Scribbled recipes like this are such a gem!
“Take 3 ½ gallons of cold water and a large hand full of hops & two quarts of malt mix them well together in your tub than [sic] take Eight gallons of boiling water throw in one bushel heaping measure stir it well let it stand about one hour throw in Eight gallons ditto let it stand one hour longer put in six gallons more ditto stirring it well Each time do this in the morning.”
Ledgers and daybooks belonging to Niagara’s farmers and business owners offer valuable information regarding local trade networks. Letters can provide useful insight as well. For example, in the autumn of 1804, we learn that William & James Crooks — brothers and prominent merchants in Niagara — ordered 1,000 gallons of whisky @ 4.5 shillings per gallon from notable Grimsby businessman and provincial politician Robert Nelles. The whisky to be acquired cost approximately £225 and could not be less than 32 or 33 proof. The letter from the Crooks’ demanded the whisky to be shipped in “good & sufficient casks” and that it should be enough to “sink the barrel.”
Calculations in the Beam ledger. The word “bubble” refers to the abbreviation “bbl”. In those days, bbl. was a common short form for the word barrel.
This phrase is intriguing. Was it really that simple? Was that how they standardized the weight of whisky that went into the barrels for sale? The term shows up again in Jacob Beam’s ledger. Note how he lists a few different whisky proofs (37, 34, 32, 30) and calculates how many gallons of each would make the barrels sink, according to their different weights. [13]
Jacob Beam was one of the people in the District of Niagara who had been issued a still licence in 1810, allowing him to legally produce and sell whisky. [14] Adam Brown is on this same list, providing further evidence towards The Brown Homestead’s existence as a tavern in the early 19th century. As we continue to investigate what the Homestead’s tavern era might have looked like, please stay tuned. We have only just begun to research the intricate historical details of this fascinating industry and foresee a Part 2 to this article coming sometime in the near future!
Account of still licences issued in Niagara, 1810. Robert J. Graham, Inn-Roads to Ancestry: Pioneer Inns of Ontario, Volume 1: Head of the Lake & Niagara, (Toronto: Ontario Genealogical Society, 1996), 68, accessed from Brock University Archives & Special Collections.
Still licences were required in Niagara starting in 1794, when the legislature passed "An Act for regulating the manner of Licensing Public Houses, and for the more easy convicting of Persons selling Spirituous Liquors, without licence.” To apply for such a licence, a tavern or inn keeper needed to pay a registration fee of one shilling, swore allegiance to the king, and was made to provide character references. If approved, he then paid an annual fee. By 1803, inspectors of taverns, shops, and stills were appointed and the records that followed were much more accurate than in previous years. [15]
While he is not included on this still licence list, an earlier assessment roll from The Forty [Grimsby] showed that Robert Nelles had 161 gallons of whisky in his still at the time of inspection in 1806. While Robert was in York [Toronto] attending to his political duties at the Legislative Assembly, his son Henry handled much of the business. [16]
Once the Crooks brothers loaded the barrels from distillers like Nelles and Beam onto their ship, they then sold the whisky to their diverse array of contacts in the local British garrisons and in the fur trade, shipping goods up the St. Lawrence or engaging with American dealers at Fort Niagara. The Crooks’ were essentially the middlemen, procuring the whisky from rural parts of Niagara to bring to the consumer, their main Montreal trade partners and financial benefactors being Auldjo & Maitland. The capital and resources they required for their work was provided in part by these private creditors — well-established firms previously involved in the fur trade and military supply.
The Crooks brothers even contracted specialty labourers towards the whisky business. A professional cooper was hired to manufacture the barrels that were needed for these endeavours. After all, the barrels needed to be high-quality to withstand the weighing process and subsequent transportation. Beam’s ledger shows that the Crooks’ cooper boarded with him for a period of time in 1807.
Excerpt from the Beam ledger, 1807
Of course, the province enacted strict legislation on the production and sale of alcohol (imagine that) and there was a limit put on the legal minimum purchase of liquor from distillers. This three gallon minimum was a beneficial quantity for innkeepers and retailers, but the average individual preferred a more practical minimum of one gallon. In 1805, over sixty men from Stamford township [Niagara Falls] signed a petition to make it legal to purchase one gallon of liquor from local distillers. This high-priority issue was, as they claimed, “for the general good of His Majesty's Subjects, for many are under a necessity at times for some of this liquor, but either for want of abilities or from principles of prudence are prevented from receiving those comforts of the country to which their hand labour entitles them.” [17]
In some instances, labourers in Niagara accepted whisky as payment for their work. [18] The ledgers of Clinton township residents Jacob Beam and Michael Rittenhouse both mention giving whisky to individuals in exchange for their services. As the image below shows, Rittenhouse exchanged whisky with five different individuals for help chopping grain over the course of four months in 1805-06.
Excerpt from the Rittenhouse ledger, 1805-06
Conclusion
And there you have it… a little Niagara whisky history this fine February afternoon. We encourage you to support your local distilleries, and share these historical tidbits with your friends and neighbours at your next get together. Cheers to a 220+-year Niagara tradition!
A Night at the Tavern
Did this article get you excited about the whisky industry in early Niagara? Are you interested in seeing the past come to life? Sip your way through history in the oldest home in St. Catharines with this intimate experience for whisky and history enthusiasts alike.
Author Bio
Jessica Linzel [M.A. History, Brock University], is the Director of Community Engagement at The Brown Homestead. Jess has studied the history of Niagara since 2016, and her M.A. thesis [2020] focused on economic development in Niagara during the early Loyalist period.
If you found this article interesting, be sure to check out The Homestead Journal’s other early Niagara history articles, including the Niagara Roadways series, War of 1812 stories, and our investigation into the development of Power Glen.
Footnotes
[1] Dr. Richard Merritt, “Early Inns and Taverns: Accommodation, Fellowship, and Good Cheer” in The Capital Years: Niagara-On-The-Lake, 1792-1796, eds. Nancy Butler, Richard D. Merritt, and Michael Power (Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1996), 207.
[2] Statistics Canada. Census of the Canadas, 1851-2: Agricultural Produce, Mills, Manufactories, Houses, Schools, Public Buildings, Places of Worship, &c., Vol II. Quebec: Lovell and Lamoreaux, 1855. Accessed January 24, 2024.
[3] Robert Leslie Jones. History of Agriculture in Ontario 1613-1880. (Toronto; Buffalo: University of Toronto Press, 1946), 240.
[4] Douglas McCalla, “The “Loyalist” Economy of Upper Canada, 1784-1806,” Social History / Histoire Sociale 16 no. 32, 1983, 296.
[5] “Account of stills in the Province of Upper Canada for the year ending the 5th of April,” Richard Cartwright copied letterbooks, Cartwright family fonds, Series F 24-3, box MU 513, Archives of Ontario.
[6] McCalla, 284.
[7] “The demand for this Article has of late been so Considerable, I can hardly get a sufficient Supply for the Shop.” Letter from Robert Hamilton to John Askin, The John Askin Papers Vol. II: 1796–1820. ed. Milo M. Quaife. (Detroit: Detroit Library Commission, 1928), 148.
[8] E. A. Cruikshank, and Andrew F. Hunter, The Correspondence of the Honourable Peter Russell : With Allied Documents Relating to His Administration of the Government of Upper Canada during the Official Term of Lieut.- Governor J. G. Simcoe, While on Leave of Absence, Volume Three, (Toronto: The Ontario Historical Society, 1932), 113.
[9] “Provincial revenue arising from duties collected on goods imported under authority of Acts of the Parliament of Great Britain between 1st Jan. and 31st Dec. 1803.” Richard Cartwright copied letterbooks, Cartwright family fonds, Series F 24-3, box MU 513, Archives of Ontario.
[10] Letter from John Askin to Robert Nichol, The John Askin Papers Vol. II: 1796–1820. ed. Milo M. Quaife. (Detroit: Detroit Library Commission, 1928), 445.
[11] Letter from Robert Hamilton to John Askin, The John Askin Papers Vol. II: 1796–1820. ed. Milo M. Quaife. (Detroit: Detroit Library Commission, 1928), 447.
[12] Jacob Beam Ledger, 1790-1826, Friends of Lincoln’s History archives in Vineland, Ontario, 327.
[13] Jacob Beam Ledger, 1790-1826, 328.
[14] Robert J. Graham, Inn-Roads to Ancestry: Pioneer Inns of Ontario, Volume 1: Head of the Lake & Niagara, (Toronto: Ontario Genealogical Society, 1996), 68.
[15] Merritt, “Early Inns and Taverns: Accommodation, Fellowship, and Good Cheer,” 201.
[16] In 1806, James Crooks wrote to Henry, asking for 500 gallons of whisky at the price of Robert’s choice, specifying once again 32 proof or better. Robert Nelles Papers, Nelles Manor Museum, Grimsby, Ontario.
[17] Ernest Cruikshank, Records of Niagara, 1805-1811, (Niagara Historical Society, 1930) 4.
[18] Michael Rittenhouse Ledger, 1794-1811, Town of Lincoln Museum and Cultural Centre in Jordan, Ontario.