Ontario’s Militia Trains for War

Canada’s Minister of Militia and Defence Sir Sam Hughes having a conversation with a smiling Lafontaine Powers. Photo faces southwest along Pelham Road. Note the stark contrast between the stern military leader, and the modest country farmer in this photograph, c. 1914. Credit to the St. Catharines Museum & Welland Canals Centre, Powers Family Album 2015.22.4.

Between 1914 and 1918, families across Canada proudly answered the call to serve the war effort on the homefront. In the years leading up to this, men joined their local militias and participated in annual field exercises as part of their duties as on-call “citizen soldiers.” One particular exercise took place here in Niagara approximately 111 years ago, as groups of men from across southern Ontario came to Camp Niagara for a week of training.

Little did we know that these military training exercises were the key to a mysterious group of photos that have been in our collection for the past decade. A series of early 20th c. black and white photographs that came along with our purchase of this site in 2015 indicate that some form of military training had taken place right here on our property as well as across the street in the hilly terrain of the Short Hills. The photos portray soldiers marching down Pelham Road in front of the John Brown House, which was then owned by the Powers Family who inhabited this farmstead from 1902-1979. Men on horses lined up in front of the family’s fruit orchards, the young Powers women giggled in photos with the uniformed officers, and even the controversial Sir Sam Hughes, Canadian Minister of Militia and Defence during World War I, appeared on our front lawn, speaking with farmer Lafontaine — the head of the Powers family.

For year we have voiced these questions. When were they here? Who was involved? Why were they here?

*Research volunteer Mark Wright updates TBH staff on his research*

Recently, one of our volunteers — Chippawa resident Mark Wright — offered to investigate this story further. Thanks to the fantastic historical research he has been doing since last Fall, we now know the names of the soldiers in the photos, including a thrilling Brown family connection! By identifying unique elements in the men’s clothing, vehicles, and the foliage around the property, he was able to craft a narrative around when and why they were here. Thank you Mark!

As Mark continued his research, he realized how this 1914 visit to the Powers family farm (now The Brown Homestead) fits into the broader story of military training at Camp Niagara that June. In the following article, Mark illustrates the military manoeuvres that took place here in the heart of the Niagara Region, tracing the story through the eyes of The St. Catharines Standard reporters from June 8-12, 1914. Some of our favourite aspects include:

Explanation of the red markings on a 1907 topographic map of Niagara showing the exact path these soldiers traversed through the peninsula and ending in a mock skirmish at Power Glen;
A touching tribute by Indigenous soldiers at the Beaver Dams monument;
Insight into the very different wartime experiences of the Lieutenant Colonels involved in these exercises;
The way the article engages in spatial storytelling and narrates the exploration of Niagara’s diverse geography; and
An exciting Brown family connection!

*Militia troops at camp pre-WWI. By 1914, the khaki uniform would become standard. Mark E. Wright postcard collection.*

Setting the Stage

The First World War devastated Canadian communities, taking the lives of more than 66,000 soldiers who fought to preserve freedom in our nation over a four year period. Britain’s entry into hostilities in August 1914 brought all members of her realm, including Canada, into the conflict. In the months leading up to this, Canada’s military was on alert as international tensions heightened following the assassination of Austro-Hungarian duke Franz Ferdinand on June 28.

The strength of Canada’s army in 1914 was not to be found in its woefully small cadre of professional soldiers, but rather in the militia, which numbered some 59,000 men by June of that year. [1] At this time, enlisting in the Canadian militia was not compulsory. Instead, militias were volunteer forces consisting of permanent and non-permanent active members. These “citizen soldiers” were expected to attend camp and participate in drills and field exercises for a few days annually, often paid a wage for doing so.

Within Canada’s Military District #2, which took in a large part of Ontario, this training occurred at Niagara Camp in Niagara-on-the-Lake. The facility had been established as the “Fort George Military Reserve” in 1871, and occupied a largely open space known as the “Commons”, adjacent to the ruins of the old fort. [2]

Prelude

A precursor to the big show, involving Col. Sam Hughes himself, was carried out at the Powers farm here at 1317 Pelham Road, St. Catharines, ON, with infantry, cavalry and cadet units participating, probably in May 1914. We know about this event because of a collection of photos kept by Annie Powers (1896-1988) that recorded the military activities here at this time, now in the possession of the St. Catharines Museum and Welland Canals Centre.

Why did it take place here? Since 1911, the commander of the 5th Militia Brigade in the Niagara Peninsula had been Lieutenant Colonel John Edward Cohoe. Born in Fonthill in 1871, his grandfather Edward Cohoe had married Catherine Brown, the granddaughter of John and Magdelena Brown. [5]

*Col. Sam Hughes poses on the front lawn of the Powers family farm in front of a rosebush, flanked by Lt. Cols. J. E. Cohoe and F. W. Hill. STCM Powers Family Album 2015.22.3.*

A career military man as well as a servant of the court system in his hometown of Welland, Cohoe’s close friendship with Sam Hughes would later be demonstrated when Hughes selected him as commander of the 4th Infantry Brigade of the First Division of the Canadian Expeditionary Force that was sent to Europe. [6]

Col. Cohoe would have appreciated what an ideal location the ancestral home of the Brown family made. The large two-storey house overlooking Pelham Road and its accompanying property would serve as an excellent staging area for manoeuvres. Cohoe had undoubtedly arranged for the farm, now owned by Lafontaine Powers, to perform a patriotic duty and play host to Canada’s military leader and the militia.

One of the photos from this event shows Col. Hughes standing by a rosebush, flanked by Lt. Col. Cohoe as well as Lt. Col. F. W. Hill, who led the 44th “Lincoln and Welland” Regiment based at the armoury in Niagara Falls. Both men would shortly have pivotal roles in the exercise about to be carried out from Niagara Camp.

Other photos from this event provide an interesting glimpse into the lives of the Powers family, as well as the dynamics between various military personnel. In one image, we see a sheet hanging from the upper window in what was then the Master Bedroom (now a main staff office space) to signal different exercises. Another shows rows of militiamen marching eastward along Pelham Road. We see a little boy playing pretend soldier. Young women giggling in photos with their new military friends and trying on bits of their uniform. A dozen horses lined up in front of the Powers’ fruit orchard. Little did the family know that in a few months, all of this would become much more real.

The details of Hughes’ visit and the soldiers’ interaction with The Brown Homestead and its surrounding landscape continue to be investigate as we gather further information on this story.

Sir Sam Hughes in front of the John Brown House

Lt. Col. Hill et. al. sit with Powers family on the front steps

Militiamen march eastward down Pelham Road

Men on horses amongst the Powers' fruit trees

Sir Sam Hughes and Lt. Col. F. W. Hill

Vehicles lined up near the Powers' barn

Cohoe poses (middle) while signal flag hangs from upper window

Young boy playing pretend soldier

Powers women posing with officers including Lt. Col. Hill (right)

The Standard Story and a Mystery Map

The events of the momentous week in June that soon followed were chronicled in a series of reports printed in the St. Catharines Standard. They provide a day-to-day narrative of troop movements, actions, and other activities undertaken by the various militia units and leaders building up to and during the exercise. [7]

Shortly after reading the Standard’s accounts of this operation, I became aware of a “mystery map” in the possession of the Niagara Military Museum in Niagara Falls. It had been found in the estate of Captain James E. Laur of Fort Erie and acquired by the museum, along with a page of Capt. Laur’s handwritten notes detailing the plan to be carried out for the militia exercise conducted in 1913 within Niagara Township. Clearly Capt. Laur had an important role in organizing such manoeuvres.

Printed in 1907 for the Department of Militia and Defence, the map had subsequently been embellished with unidentified red markings, presumably by Capt. Laur himself. While studying these, I realized that the markings corresponded with the 1914 exercise that I had been researching. This was the very map that Capt. Laur had used to lay out the plan for that year’s operation!

What follows is an account of the experiences of the militia during the week of June 7th through 12th, based on the Standard’s reports, together with supplemental information, including that gleaned from the militia map.

Shout out to our colleagues down the street at Brock University for letting us use their large format scanner and providing the Niagara Military Museum with high quality digital images of their marked-up 1907 topographic map!

1907 Department of Militia and Defence Map with markings of the 1914 exercise. Credit to the Niagara Military Museum. Thank you to Brock University for the use of their scanning equipment for this large document.

A Sunday Service and some Sightseeing

The events of a momentous week got underway on June 7th, when a normally peaceful Sunday was “conspicuous by its absence” as a church parade commenced at 9:30am at Niagara Camp on the Commons. The ceremony included a number of regiments “form(ing) up in a hollow square with the massed bands.” Grouped in the centre of the square were the clergymen who conducted the morning service.

*The St. Catharines Standard*, June 9, 1917. Accessed via Newspapers.com.

An uncharacteristically large attendance was reported, which included “several prominent Toronto and St. Catharines military men and their friends.” Visitors had arrived en masse using every available means of transportation, including capacity laden trolleys, motor boats, automobiles, and carriages, filling the town. Following the service, they descended upon local landmarks such as Simcoe Park to picnic and enjoy the shade of the afternoon. Many of the soldiers present, once dismissed, made their way to Niagara Falls and elsewhere to do some sightseeing and enjoy the calm before the storm.

Sam’s Surprise

Colonel Sam Hughes himself made a previously unannounced appearance at Niagara Camp around noon on Monday in his personal railway car, “Rolleen” (derived from the names of his daughters, Roby and Aileen) [8] which had travelled down the Michigan Central Railway (MCR) line and onto the spur which accessed the camp. Said to have caused “a ripple of excitement”, he was accompanied by his wife, daughter, and brother/aide James, being met by an escort consisting of Major General François-Louis Lessard, who commanded Military District #2, and a detachment of the Royal Canadian Dragoons.

Two days earlier, in response to a proposal to enlarge the area for camping grounds and military manoeuvres by purchasing more real estate in Niagara-on-the-Lake, Colonel Hughes had announced that he intended to close up the facility. “They are first class for little picnic affairs, but the troops get no real training whatever at Niagara,” he declared. “They might as well be on some ordinary Toronto square.” While the shortcomings of the camp in terms of size were ultimately addressed with the construction of a new Ontario camp in 1916 (Camp Borden), as later events unfolded, he would ultimately be proven very wrong.

A Grand Review and an Evening Tattoo

Regiments such as the 91st Highlanders of Hamilton (the “Kilties”), Dufferin Rifles and the 19th Lincoln from St. Catharines continued to reach camp on Monday, until by one estimate 5,000 may have been present. After dinner and tending to their tents, all of these troops, now issued with “cow’s breakfast” straw hats, which hopefully provided some relief, made for the shade of the woods to join others trying to escape the “extreme” heat of this very warm day.

On Tuesday, activities got into high gear with a schedule full of pomp and ceremony. A review “on a grand scale” was conducted that afternoon, in front of guests seated in the middle of the grounds. The troops were marched past, with the 2nd Dragoon Guards leading the whole strength of the camp. Other participating units included, in part:

5th Infantry Brigade (under Col. Cohoe), including:
- 37th Haldimand
- 39th Norfolk
- 44th Lincoln
- 77th Wentworth
10th and 11th Field Ambulance from Toronto

25th Brant Dragoons
4th Infantry Brigade (under Col. E. E. Moore of Hamilton), including:
- Queens Own Rifles
- 19th St. Catharines
- 91st Hamilton
- 38th Brantford

A Matter of Black and White?

Prior to the exercise getting under way the next day, the militia was divided into two forces that would be identified by colours. The previous year, these had been the “Red” and “Blue” teams. For this year, one side, under the leadership of Lt. Col. Hill, would be the “Whites.” Their opposition, under the command of Col. Sir Henry Pellatt (known today mainly for being the resident of Toronto’s Casa Loma), would have logically been the “Blacks”, except that they weren’t. They were known as the “Browns.” Since one of this force’s commanders was Lt. Col. Cohoe, it may well be that this team moniker came about due to his influence, as a reference to his Brown family heritage, but this is unknown.

*Militia map: The “Second Side Road” (Concession 6). Probable cavalry route?*

All Aboard!

After a morning’s rest and preparation, the exercise officially got underway at 12:15pm Wednesday, June 10th when the “entire contingent” boarded the cars of the MCR at a station that had been built on the spur within Paradise Grove to serve Niagara Camp. This spur joined up with the main line through Niagara-on-the-Lake near where the East & West Line met Concession 1 (Railroad St.). From there it ran in a straight north-south orientation until it approached the Niagara Escarpment.

As the troops now entrained began their grand adventure, it would not likely have been foreseen that in the very near future many of these young men would set out aboard another railway to commence a much longer journey from which all too many would never return.

The MCR tracks are long gone now, but the railroad right-of-way here has been preserved and developed into the Niagara-on-the-Lake Heritage Trail, running from John Street in the old town down to York Road.

As it approached the Niagara escarpment, the train crossed over York Road as it swung west to begin the laborious, slow climb to the top, whereupon it joined the MCR mainline that crossed the peninsula. Near this point the troops disembarked to begin marching toward their first objective.

Heritage Trail Rehabilitation Project

The Standard accounts make no mention of the transportation of the cavalry or dragoon regiments to the initial battlefield. Presumably they made their own way there, just as they would do for their return to camp on Thursday. On the militia map, a notation regarding a “Second Side Road” (Concession 6), which has also been marked in red from East & West Line to York Road, probably indicates the route the cavalry followed south toward the escarpment to join up with the infantry at Mountain Road. This may explain why the first engagement of the exercise was a cavalry confrontation.

*Plaque of the Niagara-on-the-Lake Heritage Trail at East & West Line and Railroad Street. Photo by MEW.*

X Marks the Spot

As the exercise began, the Brown force, playing the role of an invader from the U.S. that had presumably landed from transports at Niagara-on-the-Lake, advanced through northern Stamford Township (Niagara Falls). The militia map indicates the staging location, where St. Paul Avenue crossed Mountain Road, with an “X”. This open area would serve well for a large mustering. It was also next to an historic thoroughfare (Mountain Road) that was to be the route westward toward the force’s initial destination, as indicated by a line of faint red dashes on the militia map.

On their hike, the troops would be following the very same path that real US soldiers had trod 101 years earlier, as they made their way from Queenston toward their intended destination of DeCew House in Thorold, where they would attack a British advance post under Lieutenant FitzGibbon. Long before those actual invaders had penetrated anywhere near that far, they were ambushed by a contingent of Indigenous warriors at what became the Battle of Beaverdams.

Militia map: Disembarkation point and marching route along Mountain Road

Moving Monuments

As the militia continued their march, they passed by a modest limestone obelisk bearing the simple inscription “BEAVER DAMS 24 JUNE 1813” that had been erected in 1874 along Mountain Road to mark the site where the remains of 16 American soldiers had turned up during construction of the third Welland Canal. [9] Many changes have occurred in this area, notably to the road layout, and the obelisk has been relocated, firstly to nearby Lakeview Cemetery in 1965, due to the building of the Thorold Tunnel. In 1975 it was moved again, this time to the somewhat misleadingly named “Battle of Beaverdams Park” in downtown Thorold, where it remains today. (This stretch of parkland has much to do with the location of the second Welland Canal, but it is some distance from the true Beaverdams battlefield.) There it joined a cairn that had originally been erected just east of the obelisk by the Historic Sites and Monuments Board of Canada in 1923, which had served to designate the battlefield as a national historic site. [10] Where the cairn originally stood, currently the intersection of Old Thorold Stone Road and Davis Road just north of the Thorold Tunnel, is today marked by a large rough square boulder with three plaques pertaining to the battle, framed by a quartet of flags, including that of the Iroquois Confederacy. The significance of this battle site to the Indigenous troops of a particular unit would be demonstrated later that very evening in June 1914.

1874 obelisk at its present location in Battle of Beaverdams Park

Cairn erected in 1923 to designate the Beaverdams battlefield

Cairn at its present location in Battle of Beaverdams Park

Let the Games Begin

The initial mock clash may have taken place on land once involved in the actual Battle of Beaverdams, which was also said to have occurred, in part, in “a kind of hollow”. [11] For this skirmish, the White force under Col. Hill had taken up position to the west. From here, they advanced eastward to defend against Col. Sir Henry Pellatt’s Browns, which at this point consisted of virtually the entire infantry out of Niagara camp, whereas the cavalry had been divided equally between the sides.
The action therefore almost entirely involved mounted troops, and was described as “the ‘Browns’, aided by two companies of Iroquois, part of the 37th Haldimand Regiment, managing to outflank the ‘White’ cavalry, whom they bottled up, in a hollow road just east of Thorold, and put entirely out of action.” Having prevailed, the Browns then pushed on into Thorold (likely north on Ormond St.) to gain their objective, the town’s water supply.

The Invasion of Thorold

As indicated on the militia map, near the brow of the Niagara Escarpment, the Spaven water tower once stood. It was a lofty, if otherwise undistinguished, metal “standpipe” at the intersection of St. David’s and Townline Roads, and now it was symbolically seized by the Browns. The Standard described Thorold as being “in a state of excitement owing to the fact that the troops...are going to cut off the supply of water so that the factories situated along the Welland Canal will have to shut down...”

B is for Bivouac

*Militia map: Site of the Thorold bivouac*

At around 6pm, the Browns joined up with the Whites to march through the streets of Thorold to a fairground known as Agricultural Park, near where the chain of locks of the former second Welland Canal reached the top of the “mountain.” Here, “after their long and trying march” with the 19th regiment bringing up the rear, they bivouacked (that is, they set up a temporary overnight camp), as indicated by the large “B” on the militia map.

An army marches on its stomach. Upon arrival, the troops were served a prepared meal that had been delivered from Niagara camp by electrified trolley cars of the Niagara, St. Catharines and Toronto (NS&T) railway. These had started out on the line’s Lakeshore Division, which had only begun operation the previous December. [12]

Afterwards, most regiments “made themselves at home”, excepting the 38th Dufferin Rifles, who performed outpost duty. The scene, with its many camp fires, was described as “lively up till 10:30, when the boys, tired out with their long march and knowing what they had before them [on Thursday], soon quieted down for the night.”

Investiture of a Chief

*The 37th Haldimand band at Niagara Camp in 1915.* *wartimecanada.ca*

While most troops were settling in and enjoying a time of recreation at the bivouac, one regiment in particular had a very memorable evening. The 37th Haldimand marched back to the site of the Beaverdams obelisk they had passed earlier, near the banks of the third Welland Canal. This 400 strong unit was composed of almost 3/4 Indigenous soldiers (5 companies out of 8), who now participated in “one of the most unique and weirdly beautiful spectacles ever witnessed in the district.” The regiment’s chaplain was the “popular” Rev. Canon J. C. Piper, the rector of St. John’s, Thorold, a church which the outfit may well have passed in downtown Thorold on their way back to the monument.

The troops arrived at the solemn stone marker on a century old battlefield where a force of Indigenous warriors, about equal in number to the size of the present 37th, had once ambushed a significantly larger American force, thereby winning an important “British” victory of the War of 1812. Here, the regiment made Canon Piper a “full Indian War Chief.” The ceremony was presided over by Thorold’s mayor, the appropriately named Joseph Battle, and attended by “thousands.”

Illumination was provided by three great camp fires set ablaze before the monument. The Standard’s reporter described the stages of the observance:

“The soldiers seated on the grass formed a great circle about the camp fires, and after the Chief-making ceremony was concluded, several warriors in full feather and war paint performed a war dance. The whole regiment applauded with war whoops, producing a blood-curdling effect on the onlookers. The regiment also performed a march-past, and fired three volleys, while the bugles sounded ‘Last Post’...in honour of the Indians and Americans who fell at the Battle of Beaverdams.”

Among those who addressed the audience, Mayor Battle duly complimented Canon Piper as a “friend to everybody, no matter what creed,” while extending the freedom of the town to the 37th officers and men, and inviting them to visit Thorold again soon.

Noted Thorold historian F. H. Keefer spoke of “the noble work of the Indians a hundred years ago, a small band of whom had defeated the American army.” He expressed his feeling that both the victors and losers should be honoured at this place, and gave his opinion that “it was about time the Canadian Government did something to recognize the assistance given by our Indian allies in the time of stress and danger,” which the plain obelisk certainly failed to do.
Subsequently, Lt. Col. Baxter, commanding officer of the 37th, spoke in glowing terms of the Indigenous warriors within his regiment, saying they “were ready and willing to fight for us a hundred years ago, and they would be just as willing today, and my officers will join with me in saying that if the time ever came to take the field, we wouldn’t ask for any better soldiers than our own Indian boys.”
Canon Piper and others also spoke, and the “excellent” 37th band played several pieces.” Finally, the crowd dispersed following the National Anthem, and the regiment marched back to the fair grounds.
One Indigenous militiaman at the scene, Sergeant Major Rain-in-the-face, was described in *The Standard* as being “of great stature,” and was said to have made a singular impression in his khaki uniform, an even “more imposing figure than the chiefs with their war bonnets.”

The St. Catharines Standard, June 12, 1917. Accessed via Newspapers.com.

A Record Revisited

Regarding Beaverdams, Mohawk Chief Teyoninhokarawen, also known as Major John Norton, once observed that “the Cognawaga Indians fought the battle, the Mohawks or Six Nations got the plunder, and FitzGibbon got the credit.” [13] The 1817 cabin that Norton once lived in is now preserved at The Brown Homestead.
The concern expressed by Mr. Keefer at the investiture ceremony, regarding overdue recognition of this battle, including the role played by Indigenous forces, was finally addressed when the newest stone monument was erected at “the crossroads” (of Old Thorold Stone Road and Davis Road) to replace the cairn that had stood there. Two of the three plaques affixed to it speak of the vital role of Indigenous warriors at the Battle of Beaverdams. They include the following statements:

“The victory was entirely due to the Indians,” wrote Captain Dominique Ducharme of the Indian Department of the victory at Beaverdams, “Who were not only deprived of the booty which had been promised them, but of the honour and glory which they had won.”

“As the Americans approached the nearby beechwoods, they were ambushed by about 400 native warriors and soundly defeated in a battle that raged for nearly three hours.”

*Memorial marker and flags at “The Crossroads” today. Photo by MEW.*

“Virtually all the fighting on the British side was led by native warriors, while FitzGibbon and his superior, Major Peter de Haren, arrived only in time to accept the surrender and claim victory.”

In summation, one plaque states:

“Native warriors suffered casualties in the Battle of Beaverdams, and they assured British victories in other battles of the War of 1812-1814. They are here recognized with lasting gratitude.”

The record has thus been set straight. This monument, however, lies off the beaten path, and those who choose to visit it and read its message are likely few in number.

Toeing the County Line

Preparation of the militia forces for the major engagement that was to come on Thursday, June 11 began overnight when the Whites set up a strongly entrenched position at Twelve-mile Creek, with lines in the east protected by outposts. Col. Hill designated half of his six battalions to defend this position, with the other three forming a reserve to attack the “Browns” whenever the opportunity arose.

*Militia map: The route to DeCew Falls along the county border*

Meanwhile, back at the Thorold camp, the Browns were being served a breakfast of hot bovril from staff of the 19th Regiment, starting at 4:30am, after which they marched out to meet the enemy and attack their objective, the St. Catharines water treatment facility near DeCew Falls. Built in 1875, it drew upon water diverted from the Welland Canal to supply the city and its neighbouring communities. [14] Its modern counterpart, the largest such operation in Niagara Region, still does.

As indicated on the Militia Map, in the early morning the Browns followed St. David’s Road along the border between Lincoln and Welland Counties, eventually reaching a stretch that is now part of the Bruce Trail near Brock University. It then swung south of Lake Moodie on a route that no longer exists, having been flooded during subsequent expansion of the lake, and finally to DeCew Road, arriving at DeCew Falls, where they attempted “to cut off the water supply...by blowing up the water works.”

No Man’s Land?

An unexplained markup on the Militia Map southwest of the DeCew Falls environs is a red rectangle drawn around the heart of the Short Hills. No indication of its significance is given, but based on the unique and very complex topography of this area it seems likely that this was being marked off as an exclusion zone. Whatever the many challenges that the terrain around Power Glen presented, they would only be exacerbated should any force dare to stray into the Short Hills.

A Show of Power at the Glen

While shelling the filtration plant (hopefully not with live ammo!) the Browns also set up their own headquarters in the Power Glen area, anticipating a counterattack amid the “real fighting” to come.

It would not be long in coming. Even while breakfast was still being served, “brisk firing” could be heard, as the cavalry scouts of the defenders engaged in a “sharp encounter” with the attackers’ mounted corps.

Following these skirmishes, the Browns came into contact with advanced forces of the Whites at Twelve Mile Creek as they were covering their entrenched position. Having espied the location of Col. Hill’s reserve force, Col. Pellatt directed two 4th Brigade regiments, the Queen’s Own Rifles and 19th, to attack it.

*A tranquil view of Power Glen c. 1915 belies the fury of the mock battle fought here around that time. Mark E. Wright postcard collection.*

Crescendo

At this point, both cavalries “closed to flanks”, leaving the infantry to engage at the front. As they did so, the action quickly evolved into the full blown confrontation that everyone had come to the big show to participate in. The 4th Brigade’s two remaining battalions moved to attack the enemy’s right and right centre, while the 5th brigade’s simultaneous attack upon the left flank of the Whites was directed by Col. Cohoe. (As the great-great-grandson of The Brown Homestead’s patriarch John Brown, we’ve been rooting for him on this journey!)

Here was Lt. Col. John Edward Cohoe’s opportunity to exercise his leadership. The career soldier and militia officer seized the moment, pushing forward two regiments in an effort to determine the precise whereabouts of the White forces. Despite his troops being “heavily repulsed”, Cohoe’s men were successful, and based on this, the divisional staff could form a plan to act accordingly.

That plan involved Cohoe holding back his brigade, while a mile to the south the 4th Brigade forged ahead to deliver a converging attack on the enemy’s right, in an effort to envelop the flank. As soon as the success of this manoeuvre was confirmed, Cohoe’ brigade was to once again move ahead.

However, the 4th was less than successful, as it was repulsed despite the artillery support it had received. This setback did not thwart Col. Cohoe’s intention to pursue his goal, as his troops “took full advantage of the good cover the ground afforded, and pushed home an attack on the enemy’s left.” Cohoe’s force was now on the verge of penetrating the Whites’ defences, and potentially achieving a decisive victory, but he would be denied the chance. His moment to prevail, perhaps even on an actual battlefield, would have to wait for another day. That day would never come.

The Curtain Falls

An exercise involving thousands of men within infantry, cavalry and artillery units, occupying 30 to 35 hours, including about four hours of marching across roads of a “rough nature”, as well as fighting over “very different and intricate ground” under decidedly warm conditions, was finally brought to its conclusion when “ceasefire” was sounded at 2pm. The opposing forces had ended up around 25 miles from camp, facing each other on a front that extended for two miles across in the area of Power Glen around Twelve Mile Creek.

Following the ceasefire, all infantry regiments promptly marched to the NS&T station on St. Paul Street in downtown St. Catharines, to be entrained, along with their guns and transports, back to Niagara Camp for the final night of the exercise. Cavalry, of course, had their own ride back.

Upon arrival at camp that evening, “the boys” of the local 19th Regiment were said to be in “good condition”, even after considerable marching. They had acquitted themselves well, passing a number of other regiments “with a lively step” on the way back from DeCew Falls, being cheered as they went by.

A quiet last night at camp ensued for the undoubtedly worn out militiamen, who nevertheless found the energy to indulge in some “harmless fun.” The members of the 19th finally headed for home Friday afternoon, arriving in St. Catharines after four. The exercise was over.

The French (Canadian) Judge

General Francois-Louis Lessard, Commander of Military District #2. *Canadian Military History*.

Once the troops had ceased operations, as they headed back to Niagara Camp the job of assessing their performance and determining who had prevailed in the exercise fell upon Gen. Lessard and his team of umpires. They elected to call no decision regarding who had won the engagement. It was evident that the 4th Infantry Brigade’s final attack had been rejected by the Whites, whereas that of Cohoe’s 5th Brigade, had it continued, “would probably have penetrated that portion of the White’s defence.” However, it was acknowledged that in doing so, the result would have been “enormous casualties,” with the ultimate victory going to the force with superior fighting qualities.

Singled out for commendation was the 37th Haldimand Regiment, for their marching, discipline, and general efficiency. As well, seven Lieutenant Colonels and five Majors were honoured by being invited to headquarters by General Lessard in the evening. (Neither Lt. Col. Cohoe nor Lt. Col. Hill were mentioned.)

Over the Hills and Far Away

Less than two months after this exercise, the conflict that became the Great War (World War I) commenced in Europe when Britain declared war on Germany on August 4th. As a member of the British Empire and not yet master of her own external affairs, Canada was automatically enrolled in the war at Britain’s side.

By the end of August and into September, Niagara’s militia infantry units, greatly expanded due to Col. Sam Hughes’ program of massive and rapid recruiting, became part of a force of 33,000 that were shipped by rail to an empty piece of real estate at Valcartier, Quebec, which was being transformed into a vast new training camp. [15] In October, they were convoyed across the Atlantic, along with their leaders, including Lt. Cols. Cohoe and Hill, to another training ground in England, ultimately to be transported to the Western Front in France and Belgium. [16]

In Europe, Col. Hill had a very active career. He was placed in command of the 1st Battalion of the Canadian Expeditionary Force. Rising to the rank of Brigadier General, he went on to lead the 9th Canadian Infantry Brigade in the battles of Vimy Ridge, Hill 70, and Passchendaele.

Col. Cohoe’s fate, however, was very different. His 4th Infantry Brigade was dissolved by Col. Hughes to top up the other three, and he was held back to lead training operations in England. Unlike Col. Hill, he would never be deployed to the continent.

Once on the front lines, the militia troops were thrust into a theatre where the horrors of trench warfare replaced the sweeping manoeuvres that had been practised, and into a scenario that Canada’s great military commander, General Sir Arthur Currie, described as “not a game of points but a process of destruction.” [17]

Niagara Falls Armoury & Military Museum

This article could not have been written without the contributions of the NMM and the rich insight offered by Captain James E. Laur’s 1907 annotated topographic map. The building that houses their collection is more than just a building. This irreplaceable landmark is a living testament to Niagara Falls’ military contributions, a hub for education, and a gathering place for veterans, students, and the broader community.

Visit the Niagara Military Museum

References

[1] Ronald G. Haycock, Sam Hughes – The Public Career of a Controversial Canadian, 1885-1916, (Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press), 1986, 139.

[2] Richard D. Merritt, Training For Armageddon: Niagara Camp in the Great War, 1914-1919, (Victoria, B.C.: FriesenPress), 2015, 46.

[3] Merritt, xii.

[4] Haycock, 147.

[5] Coombs, A. E., History of the Niagara Peninsula and the New Welland Canal. (Toronto: Historical Publishers Association), 1930, 246.

[6] Coombs, 246.

[7] Articles from The St. Catharines Standard. No Author(s) Cited. Accessed February 17, 2025:

“Ottawa.” June 8, 1914. Page 4.
“Colonel Sam Hughes, Minister of Militia, visited the Niagara Camp Monday; Some camp news.” June 9, 1914.
“Hundreds from this city attended the tattoo at Niagara Camp Tuesday night; Grand Review Also.” June 9, 1914. Page 2. [Incorrectly dated as June 10 in The Standard archives.]
“Soldiers will try to cut off water supply of factories.” June 10, 1914.
“St. Catharines and district the scene of mimic warfare.” June 11, 1914. Pages 1, 3.
“Indian soldiers of the 37th Regiment, while campfires blazed and the war whoop filled the air, made Canon Piper a War Chief” June 11, 1914. Page 3.
“The 19th received honors in camp. 91st Pipers played the Boys to Their Post as Advance Guard.” June 12, 1914.
“In the Sham Battle The Opposing Lines Extended For Two Miles; No Decision.” June 12, 1914. Page 11.

[8] Tim Cook, The Madman And The Butcher, (Toronto: Allen Lane Canada), 2010, 63.

[9] Alun Hughes, “The American Surrender at Beaverdams.” In History Made in Niagara, edited by Michael Ripmeester, David Butz, & Loris Gasparotto, 221-236. (St. Catharines: Elbow Island Publishers: 2019), 225.

[10] Ibid.

[11] George F. G. Stanley, The War of 1812: Land Operations, (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada), 1983, 194.

[12] John M. Mills, Niagara, St. Catharines & Toronto Railway, (Montreal: AGMV Marquis), 2007, 81.

[13] Stanley, 196.

[14] Coombs, 81.

[15] Haycock, 181-182.

[16] Coombs, 246.

[17] Cook, 248.

The Niagara Exercise of 1914